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William McKinley's First Inaugural Address:
| Fellow-Citizens: IN obedience to the will of the people, and in their presence, by the
authority vested in me by this oath, I assume the arduous and responsible duties of
President of the United States, relying upon the support of my countrymen and invoking the
guidance of Almighty God. Our faith teaches that there is no safer reliance than upon the
God of our fathers, who has so singularly favored the American people in every national
trial, and who will not forsake us so long as we obey His commandments and walk humbly in
His footsteps. |
| The responsibilities of the high trust to which I
have been called—always of grave importance—are augmented by the prevailing
business conditions entailing idleness upon willing labor and loss to useful enterprises.
The country is suffering from industrial disturbances from which speedy relief must be
had. Our financial system needs some revision; our money is all good now, but its value
must not further be threatened. It should all be put upon an enduring basis, not subject
to easy attack, nor its stability to doubt or dispute. Our currency should continue under
the supervision of the Government. The several forms of our paper money offer, in my
judgment, a constant embarrassment to the Government and a safe balance in the Treasury.
Therefore I believe it necessary to devise a system which, without diminishing the
circulating medium or offering a premium for its contraction, will present a remedy for
those arrangements which, temporary in their nature, might well in the years of our
prosperity have been displaced by wiser provisions. With adequate revenue secured, but not
until then, we can enter upon such changes in our fiscal laws as will, while insuring
safety and volume to our money, no longer impose upon the Government the necessity of
maintaining so large a gold reserve, with its attendant and inevitable temptations to
speculation. Most of our financial laws are the outgrowth of experience and trial, and
should not be amended without investigation and demonstration of the wisdom of the
proposed changes. We must be both "sure we are right" and "make haste
slowly." If, therefore, Congress, in its wisdom, shall deem it expedient to create a
commission to take under early consideration the revision of our coinage, banking and
currency laws, and give them that exhaustive, careful and dispassionate examination that
their importance demands, I shall cordially concur in such action. If such power is vested
in the President, it is my purpose to appoint a commission of prominent, well-informed
citizens of different parties, who will command public confidence, both on account of
their ability and special fitness for the work. Business experience and public training
may thus be combined, and the patriotic zeal of the friends of the country be so directed
that such a report will be made as to receive the support of all parties, and our finances
cease to be the subject of mere partisan contention. The experiment is, at all events,
worth a trial, and, in my opinion, it can but prove beneficial to the entire country. |
| The question of international bimetallism will have
early and earnest attention. It will be my constant endeavor to secure it by co-operation
with the other great commercial powers of the world. Until that condition is realized when
the parity between our gold and silver money springs from and is supported by the relative
value of the two metals, the value of the silver already coined and of that which may
hereafter be coined, must be kept constantly at par with gold by every resource at our
command. The credit of the Government, the integrity of its currency, and the
inviolability of its obligations must be preserved. This was the commanding verdict of the
people, and it will not be unheeded. |
| Economy is demanded in every branch of the Government
at all times, but especially in periods, like the present, of depression in business and
distress among the people. The severest economy must be observed in all public
expenditures, and extravagance stopped wherever it is found, and prevented wherever in the
future it may be developed. If the revenues are to remain as now, the only relief that can
come must be from decreased expenditures. But the present must not become the permanent
condition of the Government. It has been our uniform practice to retire, not increase our
outstanding obligations, and this policy must again be resumed and vigorously enforced.
Our revenues should always be large enough to meet with ease and promptness not only our
current needs and the principal and interest of the public debt, but to make proper and
liberal provision for that most deserving body of public creditors, the soldiers and
sailors and the widows and orphans who are the pensioners of the United States. |
| The Government should not be permitted to run behind
or increase its debt in times like the present. Suitably to provide against this is the
mandate of duty—the certain and easy remedy for most of our financial difficulties. A
deficiency is inevitable so long as the expenditures of the Government exceed its
receipts. It can only be met by loans or an increased revenue. While a large annual
surplus of revenue may invite waste and extravagance, inadequate revenue creates distrust
and undermines public and private credit. Neither should be encouraged. Between more loans
and more revenue there ought to be but one opinion. We should have more revenue, and that
without delay, hindrance, or postponement. A surplus in the Treasury created by loans is
not a permanent or safe reliance. It will suffice while it lasts, but it can not last long
while the outlays of the Government are greater than its receipts, as has been the case
during the past two years. Nor must it be forgotten that however much such loans may
temporarily relieve the situation, the Government is still indebted for the amount of the
surplus thus accrued, which it must ultimately pay, while its ability to pay is not
strengthened, but weakened by a continued deficit. Loans are imperative in great
emergencies to preserve the Government or its credit, but a failure to supply needed
revenue in time of peace for the maintenance of either has no justification. |
| The best way for the Government to maintain its
credit is to pay as it goes—not by resorting to loans, but by keeping out of
debt—through an adequate income secured by a system of taxation, external or
internal, or both. It is the settled policy of the Government, pursued from the beginning
and practiced by all parties and Administrations, to raise the bulk of our revenue from
taxes upon foreign productions entering the United States for sale and consumption, and
avoiding, for the most part, every form of direct taxation, except in time of war. The
country is clearly opposed to any needless additions to the subject of internal taxation,
and is committed by its latest popular utterance to the system of tariff taxation. There
can be no misunderstanding, either, about the principle upon which this tariff taxation
shall be levied. Nothing has ever been made plainer at a general election than that the
controlling principle in the raising of revenue from duties on imports is zealous care for
American interests and American labor. The people have declared that such legislation
should be had as will give ample protection and encouragement to the industries and the
development of our country. It is, therefore, earnestly hoped and expected that Congress
will, at the earliest practicable moment, enact revenue legislation that shall be fair,
reasonable, conservative, and just, and which, while supplying sufficient revenue for
public purposes, will still be signally beneficial and helpful to every section and every
enterprise of the people. To this policy we are all, of whatever party, firmly bound by
the voice of the people—a power vastly more potential than the expression of any
political platform. The paramount duty of Congress is to stop deficiencies by the
restoration of that protective legislation which has always been the firmest prop of the
Treasury. The passage of such a law or laws would strengthen the credit of the Government
both at home and abroad, and go far toward stopping the drain upon the gold reserve held
for the redemption of our currency, which has been heavy and well-nigh constant for
several years. |
| In the revision of the tariff especial attention
should be given to the re-enactment and extension of the reciprocity principle of the law
of 1890, under which so great a stimulus was given to our foreign trade in new and
advantageous markets for our surplus agricultural and manufactured products. The brief
trial given this legislation amply justifies a further experiment and additional
discretionary power in the making of commercial treaties, the end in view always to be the
opening up of new markets for the products of our country, by granting concessions to the
products of other lands that we need and cannot produce ourselves, and which do not
involve any loss of labor to our own people, but tend to increase their employment. |
| The depression of the past four years has fallen with
especial severity upon the great body of toilers of the country, and upon none more than
the holders of small farms. Agriculture has languished and labor suffered. The revival of
manufacturing will be a relief to both. No portion of our population is more devoted to
the institution of free government nor more loyal in their support, while none bears more
cheerfully or fully its proper share in the maintenance of the Government or is better
entitled to its wise and liberal care and protection. Legislation helpful to producers is
beneficial to all. The depressed condition of industry on the farm and in the mine and
factory has lessened the ability of the people to meet the demands upon them, and they
rightfully expect that not only a system of revenue shall be established that will secure
the largest income with the least burden, but that every means will be taken to decrease,
rather than increase, our public expenditures. Business conditions are not the most
promising. It will take time to restore the prosperity of former years. If we cannot
promptly attain it, we can resolutely turn our faces in that direction and aid its return
by friendly legislation. However troublesome the situation may appear, Congress will not,
I am sure, be found lacking in disposition or ability to relieve it as far as legislation
can do so. The restoration of confidence and the revival of business, which men of all
parties so much desire, depend more largely upon the prompt, energetic, and intelligent
action of Congress than upon any other single agency affecting the situation. |
| It is inspiring, too, to remember that no great
emergency in the one hundred and eight years of our eventful national life has ever arisen
that has not been met with wisdom and courage by the American people, with fidelity to
their best interests and highest destiny, and to the honor of the American name. These
years of glorious history have exalted mankind and advanced the cause of freedom
throughout the world, and immeasurably strengthened the precious free institutions which
we enjoy. The people love and will sustain these institutions. The great essential to our
happiness and prosperity is that we adhere to the principles upon which the Government was
established and insist upon their faithful observance. Equality of rights must prevail,
and our laws be always and everywhere respected and obeyed. We may have failed in the
discharge of our full duty as citizens of the great Republic, but it is consoling and
encouraging to realize that free speech, a free press, free thought, free schools, the
free and unmolested right of religious liberty and worship, and free and fair elections
are dearer and more universally enjoyed to-day than ever before. These guaranties must be
sacredly preserved and wisely strengthened. The constituted authorities must be cheerfully
and vigorously upheld. Lynchings must not be tolerated in a great and civilized country
like the United States; courts, not mobs, must execute the penalties of the law. The
preservation of public order, the right of discussion, the integrity of courts, and the
orderly administration of justice must continue forever the rock of safety upon which our
Government securely rests. |
| One of the lessons taught by the late election, which
all can rejoice in, is that the citizens of the United States are both law-respecting and
law-abiding people, not easily swerved from the path of patriotism and honor. This is in
entire accord with the genius of our institutions, and but emphasizes the advantages of
inculcating even a greater love for law and order in the future. Immunity should be
granted to none who violate the laws, whether individuals, corporations, or communities;
and as the Constitution imposes upon the President the duty of both its own execution, and
of the statutes enacted in pursuance of its provisions, I shall endeavor carefully to
carry them into effect. The declaration of the party now restored to power has been in the
past that of "opposition to all combinations of capital organized in trusts, or
otherwise, to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens," and it
has supported "such legislation as will prevent the execution of all schemes to
oppress the people by undue charges on their supplies, or by unjust rates for the
transportation of their products to the market." This purpose will be steadily
pursued, both by the enforcement of the laws now in existence and the recommendation and
support of such new statutes as may be necessary to carry it into effect. |
| Our naturalization and immigration laws should be
further improved to the constant promotion of a safer, a better, and a higher citizenship.
A grave peril to the Republic would be a citizenship too ignorant to understand or too
vicious to appreciate the great value and beneficence of our institutions and laws, and
against all who come here to make war upon them our gates must be promptly and tightly
closed. Nor must we be unmindful of the need of improvement among our own citizens, but
with the zeal of our forefathers encourage the spread of knowledge and free education.
Illiteracy must be banished from the land if we shall attain that high destiny as the
foremost of the enlightened nations of the world which, under Providence, we ought to
achieve. |
| Reforms in the civil service must go on; but the
changes should be real and genuine, not perfunctory, or prompted by a zeal in behalf of
any party simply because it happens to be in power. As a member of Congress I voted and
spoke in favor of the present law, and I shall attempt its enforcement in the spirit in
which it was enacted. The purpose in view was to secure the most efficient service of the
best men who would accept appointment under the Government, retaining faithful and devoted
public servants in office, but shielding none, under the authority of any rule or custom,
who are inefficient, incompetent, or unworthy. The best interests of the country demand
this, and the people heartily approve the law wherever and whenever it has been thus
administrated. |
| Congress should give prompt attention to the
restoration of our American merchant marine, once the pride of the seas in all the great
ocean highways of commerce. To my mind, few more important subjects so imperatively demand
its intelligent consideration. The United States has progressed with marvelous rapidity in
every field of enterprise and endeavor until we have become foremost in nearly all the
great lines of inland trade, commerce, and industry. Yet, while this is true, our American
merchant marine has been steadily declining until it is now lower, both in the percentage
of tonnage and the number of vessels employed, than it was prior to the Civil War.
Commendable progress has been made of late years in the upbuilding of the American Navy,
but we must supplement these efforts by providing as a proper consort for it a merchant
marine amply sufficient for our own carrying trade to foreign countries. The question is
one that appeals both to our business necessities and the patriotic aspirations of a great
people. |
| It has been the policy of the United States since the
foundation of the Government to cultivate relations of peace and amity with all the
nations of the world, and this accords with my conception of our duty now. We have
cherished the policy of non-interference with affairs of foreign governments wisely
inaugurated by Washington, keeping ourselves free from entanglement, either as allies or
foes, content to leave undisturbed with them the settlement of their own domestic
concerns. It will be our aim to pursue a firm and dignified foreign policy, which shall be
just, impartial, ever watchful of our national honor, and always insisting upon the
enforcement of the lawful rights of American citizens everywhere. Our diplomacy should
seek nothing more and accept nothing less than is due us. We want no wars of conquest; we
must avoid the temptation of territorial aggression. War should never be entered upon
until every agency of peace has failed; peace is preferable to war in almost every
contingency. Arbitration is the true method of settlement of international as well as
local or individual differences. It was recognized as the best means of adjustment of
differences between employers and employees by the Forty-ninth Congress, in 1886, and its
application was extended to our diplomatic relations by the unanimous concurrence of the
Senate and House of the Fifty-first Congress in 1890. The latter resolution was accepted
as the basis of negotiations with us by the British House of Commons in 1893, and upon our
invitation a treaty of arbitration between the United States and Great Britain was signed
at Washington and transmitted to the Senate for its ratification in January last. Since
this treaty is clearly the result of our own initiative; since it has been recognized as
the leading feature of our foreign policy throughout our entire national history—the
adjustment of difficulties by judicial methods rather than force of arms—and since it
presents to the world the glorious example of reason and peace, not passion and war,
controlling the relations between two of the greatest nations in the world, an example
certain to be followed by others, I respectfully urge the early action of the Senate
thereon, not merely as a matter of policy, but as a duty to mankind. The importance and
moral influence of the ratification of such a treaty can hardly be overestimated in the
cause of advancing civilization. It may well engage the best thought of the statesmen and
people of every country, and I cannot but consider it fortunate that it was reserved to
the United States to have the leadership in so grand a work. |
| It has been the uniform practice of each President to
avoid, as far as possible, the convening of Congress in extraordinary session. It is an
example which, under ordinary circumstances and in the absence of a public necessity, is
to be commended. But a failure to convene the representatives of the people in Congress in
extra session when it involves neglect of a public duty places the responsibility of such
neglect upon the Executive himself. The condition of the public Treasury, as has been
indicated, demands the immediate consideration of Congress. It alone has the power to
provide revenues for the Government. Not to convene it under such circumstances I can view
in no other sense than the neglect of a plain duty. I do not sympathize with the sentiment
that Congress in session is dangerous to our general business interests. Its members are
the agents of the people, and their presence at the seat of Government in the execution of
the sovereign will should not operate as an injury, but a benefit. There could be no
better time to put the Government upon a sound financial and economic basis than now. The
people have only recently voted that this should be done, and nothing is more binding upon
the agents of their will than the obligation of immediate action. It has always seemed to
me that the postponement of the meeting of Congress until more than a year after it has
been chosen deprived Congress too often of the inspiration of the popular will and the
country of the corresponding benefits. It is evident, therefore, that to postpone action
in the presence of so great a necessity would be unwise on the part of the Executive
because unjust to the interests of the people. Our action now will be freer from mere
partisan consideration than if the question of tariff revision was postponed until the
regular session of Congress. We are nearly two years from a Congressional election, and
politics cannot so greatly distract us as if such contest was immediately pending. We can
approach the problem calmly and patriotically, without fearing its effect upon an early
election. |
| Our fellow-citizens who may disagree with us upon the
character of this legislation prefer to have the question settled now, even against their
preconceived views, and perhaps settled so reasonably, as I trust and believe it will be,
as to insure great permanence, than to have further uncertainty menacing the vast and
varied business interests of the United States. Again, whatever action Congress may take
will be given a fair opportunity for trial before the people are called to pass judgment
upon it, and this I consider a great essential to the rightful and lasting settlement of
the question. In view of these considerations, I shall deem it my duty as President to
convene Congress in extraordinary session on Monday, the 15th day of March, 1897. |
| In conclusion, I congratulate the country upon the
fraternal spirit of the people and the manifestations of good will everywhere so apparent.
The recent election not only most fortunately demonstrated the obliteration of sectional
or geographical lines, but to some extent also the prejudices which for years have
distracted our councils and marred our true greatness as a nation. The triumph of the
people, whose verdict is carried into effect today, is not the triumph of one section, nor
wholly of one party, but of all sections and all the people. The North and the South no
longer divide on the old lines, but upon principles and policies; and in this fact surely
every lover of the country can find cause for true felicitation. Let us rejoice in and
cultivate this spirit; it is ennobling and will be both a gain and a blessing to our
beloved country. It will be my constant aim to do nothing, and permit nothing to be done,
that will arrest or disturb this growing sentiment of unity and cooperation, this revival
of esteem and affiliation which now animates so many thousands in both the old
antagonistic sections, but I shall cheerfully do everything possible to promote and
increase it. |
| Let me again repeat the words of the oath
administered by the Chief Justice which, in their respective spheres, so far as
applicable, I would have all my countrymen observe: "I will faithfully execute the
office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve,
protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." This is the obligation I
have reverently taken before the Lord Most High. To keep it will be my single purpose, my
constant prayer; and I shall confidently rely upon the forbearance and assistance of all
the people in the discharge of my solemn responsibilities. |
Back
to William McKinley
Executive Oath of Office
"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of
President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and
defend the Constitution of the United States."
United States Constitution, Article II,
Section 1, Clause 8
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